@misc{3news2023,
  title = {{{NPP}}'s {{Owusu-Bempah}} Accuses {{Mahama}} of Being behind Demo {\textbar} {{3NEWS}}.{{COM}}},
  author = {{3News}},
  year = {2023},
  month = sep,
  urldate = {2023-12-09},
  abstract = {A Deputy Director of Communications of the New Patriotic Party (NPP), Ernest Owusu-Bempah has accused former President John Dramani Mahama of being behind the Occupy Jubilee House demonstration. In the view of Mr Owusu-Bempah, Mr Mahama, who is also flagbearer of the National Democratic Congress (NDC), is using the demonstration dubbed " \#OccupyJulorbiHouse" to advance},
  howpublished = {https://3news.com/featured/npps-owusu-bempah-accuses-mahama-of-being-behind-demo/},
  langid = {american},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/QD5SCV4E/npps-owusu-bempah-accuses-mahama-of-being-behind-demo.html}
}

@article{adattor2023,
  title = {Ghana: 3-Day Protests over Cost of Living Crisis, Leaders' ``Moral Decay'' End},
  shorttitle = {Ghana},
  author = {Adattor, Peter},
  year = {2023},
  month = sep,
  journal = {Africanews},
  urldate = {2025-01-14},
  abstract = {The \#OccupyJulorbiHouse protest in Accra, Ghana, captured attention as citizens rally for political change and economic reform. From Sep 21 to Sep. 23, demonstrators rallied for political change and economic reform.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/6JWM5LWF/www.africanews.com.html}
}

@article{adida2020,
  title = {When {{Does Information Influence Voters}}? {{The Joint Importance}} of {{Salience}} and {{Coordination}}},
  shorttitle = {When {{Does Information Influence Voters}}?},
  author = {Adida, Claire and Gottlieb, Jessica and Kramon, Eric and McClendon, Gwyneth},
  year = {2020},
  month = may,
  journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
  volume = {53},
  number = {6},
  pages = {851--891},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0010-4140},
  doi = {10.1177/0010414019879945},
  urldate = {2021-02-07},
  abstract = {Scholars argue that access to information about a politician's programmatic performance helps voters reward good performers and punish poor ones. But in places where resources are made conditional on collective electoral behavior, voters may not want to defect to vote for a strong legislative performer if they do not believe that others will. We argue that two conditions must hold for information about politician performance to affect voter behavior: Voters must care about the information and believe that others in their constituency care as well. In a field experiment around legislative elections in Benin, voters rewarded good programmatic performance only when information was both made relevant to voters and widely disseminated within the electoral district. Otherwise, access to positive legislative performance information actually lowered vote share for the incumbent's party. These results demonstrate the joint importance of Salience and voter coordination in shaping information's impact in clientelistic democracies.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {African politics,elections,experimental research,political economy,public opinion,voting behavior}
}

@misc{adom2023,
  title = {{Ghana protests: Protesters for Ghana use final day of protest to call for good governance}},
  shorttitle = {{Ghana protests}},
  author = {Adom, Komla},
  year = {2023},
  month = sep,
  urldate = {2024-03-25},
  abstract = {Dem dey protest plenti tins wey dey go on for di kontri including poor governance, cost of living crisis and corruption.},
  howpublished = {https://www.bbc.com/pidgin/articles/c03j3kyr8xro},
  langid = {nigerianpidgin},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/RFW99VL7/c03j3kyr8xro.html}
}

@article{agnone2007,
  title = {Amplifying {{Public Opinion}}: {{The Policy Impact}} of the {{U}}.{{S}}. {{Environmental Movement}}},
  shorttitle = {Amplifying {{Public Opinion}}},
  author = {Agnone, Jon},
  year = {2007},
  month = jun,
  journal = {Social Forces},
  volume = {85},
  number = {4},
  pages = {1593--1620},
  issn = {0037-7732},
  doi = {10.1353/sof.2007.0059},
  urldate = {2023-12-10},
  abstract = {Time-series data from 1960--1998 is used to test hypotheses regarding the impact of protest and public opinion on the passage of U.S. environmental legislation. An amplification model of policy impact is introduced which posits that protest affects legislative action independent of public opinion as suggested by protest event theorists, whereas the impact of public opinion on legislative action is greater depending on the level of protest. Evidence is found for the existence of an amplification mechanism between environmental movement protest and public opinion, where public opinion affects policy above and beyond its independent effect when protest raises the salience of the issue to legislators. These findings point to the need to restructure analyses of the impact of social movements on public policy.},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/J75NNBQK/2234924.html}
}

@techreport{aikins2023,
  title = {Ghana By-Elections Yield Vital Lessons for 2024 National Polls},
  author = {Aikins, Enoch Randy},
  year = {2023},
  institution = {Institute for Security Studies},
  urldate = {2024-03-25},
  abstract = {From an absence of violence to large-scale vote buying, the outcomes of two recent elections cannot be ignored.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/WSD6BFYJ/ghana-by-elections-yield-vital-lessons-for-2024-national-polls.html}
}

@article{amoah2017,
  title = {Exchange {{Rate Behavior}} in {{Ghana}}: {{Is There}} a {{Misalignment}}?},
  shorttitle = {Exchange {{Rate Behavior}} in {{Ghana}}},
  author = {Amoah, Lordina},
  year = {2017},
  journal = {The Journal of Developing Areas},
  volume = {51},
  number = {4},
  pages = {261--276},
  publisher = {College of Business, Tennessee State University},
  issn = {0022-037X},
  urldate = {2024-03-25},
  abstract = {Exchange rate misalignment results in resource misallocation and could hamper overall economic growth. Persistent undervaluation leads to high levels of inflation which in turn creates macroeconomic instability while overvaluation leads to trade imbalances with consequential balance of payment problems. Since the redenomination exercise in 2007, the Ghana cedi has been consistently depreciating. This has sparked a lot debate in the public media and among academics concerning possible misalignment of the cedi. This paper investigates the behaviour of the Ghanaian cedi using the behavioral equilibrium exchange rate approach for the period 1980Q1 to 2013Q4. The Johansen cointegration and error correction modelling framework is employed in estimating a model of the real effective exchange rate. Unlike previous studies, this paper employs the real effective exchange rate computed by authors due to certain adjustments made in the International Monetary Fund, International Financial Statistics series. The results point to significant misalignment of the exchange rate with undervaluation before the redenomination in 2007 and overvaluation afterwards. The empirical finding of this study has implications for policy direction. Monetary authorities should seek to strike a balance between the two extremes of overvaluation and undervaluation. This may be achieved by pursuing a pure floating exchange rate system where the exchange rate is allowed to follow the path dictated purely by market forces, without any intervention by the Central Bank. Alternatively, a properly managed float system of exchange rates may be pursued. Hence, given the current state of overvaluation, a once-off devaluation of a minimum of 20\% could be considered to bring the exchange rate close to its equilibrium. Subsequently, monetary authorities should closely monitor deviations from the equilibrium path and engage in timely interventions. In addition, policy should be directed at strengthening the economy's fundamentals with particular attention to the export and productive sectors by creating a conducive business environment that promotes private investment and supports the production of high quality goods of international standard both for the external and domestic market.},
  jstor = {26416981},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/W44BC29P/Amoah - 2017 - Exchange Rate Behavior in Ghana Is There a Misali.pdf}
}

@misc{amoah2023,
  title = {"{{OccupyJulorbiHouse}}": {{Efia Odo}}, {{John Dumelo}}, Others Spotted at Day 2 Protest},
  shorttitle = {"{{OccupyJulorbiHouse}}"},
  author = {Amoah, Geraldine},
  year = {2023},
  month = sep,
  urldate = {2023-12-09},
  abstract = {Ghanaian celebrities showed up to day 2 of Occupy Julorbi House protest, as they joined many citizens to air out their grievances about the incumbent government.},
  howpublished = {https://yen.com.gh/entertainment/celebrities/242347-occupy-julorbi-house-efia-odo-vormawor-john-dumelo-ghanaian-celebs-spotted-protest/},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/UQRFF5E7/242347-occupy-julorbi-house-efia-odo-vormawor-john-dumelo-ghanaian-celebs-spotted-protest.html}
}

@techreport{andirin2022measuring,
  title = {Measuring the Tolerance of the State: {{Theory}} and Application to Protest},
  author = {Andirin, Veli and Neggers, Yusuf and Shadmehr, Mehdi and Shapiro, Jesse M},
  year = {2022},
  institution = {National Bureau of Economic Research}
}

@article{andrews2015group,
  title = {Group Threat and Policy Change: {{The}} Spatial Dynamics of Prohibition Politics, 1890--1919},
  author = {Andrews, Kenneth T and Seguin, Charles},
  year = {2015},
  journal = {American Journal of Sociology},
  volume = {121},
  number = {2},
  pages = {475--510},
  publisher = {University of Chicago Press Chicago, IL}
}

@article{arruda2021protests,
  title = {Protests as Accountability Mechanism: {{Theory}} and Empirical Evidence of Brazil Mass Protests},
  author = {Arruda, Helena and {de Albuquerque}, Amanda and Ferraz, Claudio and Karpuska, Laura},
  year = {2021},
  journal = {Working paper}
}

@article{asante2018,
  title = {Seeing through {{African}} Protest Logics: {{A}} Longitudinal Review of Continuity and Change in Protests in {{Ghana}}},
  shorttitle = {Seeing through {{African}} Protest Logics},
  author = {Asante, Lewis Abedi and Helbrecht, Ilse},
  year = {2018},
  month = may,
  journal = {Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des {\'e}tudes africaines},
  volume = {52},
  number = {2},
  pages = {159--181},
  issn = {0008-3968, 1923-3051},
  doi = {10.1080/00083968.2018.1477607},
  urldate = {2024-03-25},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/FBZBRX9I/Asante and Helbrecht - 2018 - Seeing through African protest logics a longitudi.pdf}
}

@article{asekere2022parochial,
  title = {Of Parochial Partisanship and Education: {{Towards}} Civic Duty or Polarization?},
  author = {Asekere, George and {Amanor-Lartey}, Ebenezer Teye},
  year = {2022},
  journal = {J. Pol. \& L.},
  volume = {15},
  pages = {7},
  publisher = {HeinOnline}
}

@article{asunka2019,
  title = {Electoral {{Fraud}} or {{Violence}}: {{The Effect}} of {{Observers}} on {{Party Manipulation Strategies}}},
  shorttitle = {Electoral {{Fraud}} or {{Violence}}},
  author = {Asunka, Joseph and Brierley, Sarah and Golden, Miriam and Kramon, Eric and Ofosu, George},
  year = {2019},
  month = jan,
  journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {49},
  number = {1},
  pages = {129--151},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  issn = {0007-1234, 1469-2112},
  doi = {10.1017/S0007123416000491},
  urldate = {2022-04-16},
  abstract = {This article reports on the effects of domestic election observers on electoral fraud and violence. Using an experimental research design and polling station data on fraud and violence during Ghana's 2012 elections, it shows that observers reduced fraud and violence at the polling stations which they monitored. It is argued that local electoral competition shapes party activists' response to observers. As expected, in single-party dominant areas, parties used their local political networks to relocate fraud to polling stations without an election observer, and, in contrast, party activists relocated violence to stations without observers in competitive areas -- a response that requires less local organizational capacity. This highlights how local party organization and electoral incentives can shape the manipulative electoral strategies employed by parties in democratic elections.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Africa,Election observers,fraud,Ghana,political parties,violence},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/3TS8VUF2/Asunka et al. - 2019 - Electoral Fraud or Violence The Effect of Observe.pdf;/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/33NX6TFY/C1EC14B4C4BBB2156A9A17A24F6A90DF.html}
}

@book{aytac2019,
  title = {Why {{Bother}}?: {{Rethinking Participation}} in {{Elections}} and {{Protests}}},
  shorttitle = {Why {{Bother}}?},
  author = {Ayta{\c c}, S. Erdem and Stokes, Susan C.},
  year = {2019},
  series = {Cambridge {{Studies}} in {{Comparative Politics}}},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  address = {Cambridge},
  doi = {10.1017/9781108690416},
  urldate = {2020-10-28},
  abstract = {Why do vote-suppression efforts sometimes fail? Why does police repression of demonstrators sometimes turn localized protests into massive, national movements? How do politicians and activists manipulate people's emotions to get them involved? The authors of Why Bother? offer a new theory of why people take part in collective action in politics, and test it in the contexts of voting and protesting. They develop the idea that just as there are costs of participation in politics, there are also costs of abstention - intrinsic and psychological but no less real. That abstention can be psychically costly helps explain real-world patterns that are anomalies for existing theories, such as that sometimes increases in costs of participation are followed by more participation, not less. The book draws on a wealth of survey data, interviews, and experimental results from a range of countries, including the United States, Britain, Brazil, Sweden, and Turkey.},
  isbn = {978-1-108-47522-8},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/QSLFA8B8/Aytaç and Stokes - 2019 - Why Bother Rethinking Participation in Elections.pdf;/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/W39FC6WL/AB042109FAE58A14DD8D283B68157E8F.html}
}

@article{barrie2020,
  title = {Searching {{Racism}} after {{George Floyd}}},
  author = {Barrie, Christopher},
  year = {2020},
  month = jan,
  journal = {Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World},
  volume = {6},
  pages = {237802312097150},
  issn = {2378-0231, 2378-0231},
  doi = {10.1177/2378023120971507},
  urldate = {2023-12-11},
  abstract = {On May 25, 2020, George Floyd, a 46-year-old African American man, was killed by a white police officer in Minneapolis, Minnesota. His death led to U.S.-wide protest that would eventually cross borders, spanning multiple continents. The transnational diffusion of protest and movement frames is a recognized phenomenon in the study of contention. Less well documented are the consequences of such protest for political interest; absent survey data, this is difficult to measure. One alternative is to use Internet search data. This visualization uses Google Trends to document variation in search interest for ``racism'' across 101 countries and 32 languages during the period before and after George Floyd's killing. In the majority of countries, there was significantly increased search interest that was sustained for at least two weeks. The findings suggest that transnational protest diffusion may lead to global increases in political interest.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/3JPD995Z/Barrie - 2020 - Searching Racism after George Floyd.pdf;/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/YX8XSNZY/2378023120971507.html}
}

@article{barrie2021,
  title = {Political Sociology in a Time of Protest},
  author = {Barrie, Christopher},
  year = {2021},
  month = oct,
  journal = {Current Sociology},
  volume = {69},
  number = {6},
  pages = {919--942},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
  issn = {0011-3921},
  doi = {10.1177/00113921211024692},
  urldate = {2023-12-11},
  abstract = {We live in a time of protest. Relative to sociology, political science has traditionally paid little attention to `extra-institutional' forms of political behaviour. For its part, sociology has tended to prioritize the explanation of mobilization processes over political outcomes. Using bibliometric records from 14 political science and sociology journals over the last two decades, this study demonstrates that protest has witnessed a resurgence of interest in political science and that both sociology and political science now share a focus on the outcomes of protest. The article lays out key trends in this research agenda and suggests what is missing, arguing that a political sociology of protest should integrate recent findings from both disciplines to better understand elite decision-making, the mediation of protest information and protestor aims.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/SU4IC7SB/Barrie - 2021 - Political sociology in a time of protest.pdf}
}

@article{barrie2024,
  title = {Does {{Protest Influence Political Speech}}? {{Evidence}} from {{UK Climate Protest}}, 2017--2019},
  shorttitle = {Does {{Protest Influence Political Speech}}?},
  author = {Barrie, Christopher and Fleming, Thomas G. and Rowan, Sam S.},
  year = {2024},
  month = apr,
  journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {54},
  number = {2},
  pages = {456--473},
  issn = {0007-1234, 1469-2112},
  doi = {10.1017/S0007123423000376},
  urldate = {2024-04-11},
  abstract = {How does protest affect political speech? Protest is an important form of political claim-making, yet our understanding of its influence on how individual legislators communicate remains limited. Our paper thus extends a theoretical framework on protests as information about voter preferences, and evaluates it using crowd-sourced protest data from the 2017--2019 Fridays for Future protests in the UK. We combine these data with {\textasciitilde}2.4m tweets from 553 legislators over this period and text data from {\textasciitilde}150k parliamentary speech records. We find that local protests prompted MPs to speak more about the climate, but only online. These results demonstrate that protest can shape the timing and substance of political communication by individual elected representatives. They also highlight an important difference between legislators' offline and online speech, suggesting that more work is needed to understand how political strategies differ across these arenas.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {climate change,political communication,protest,representation,Twitter},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/MXV65B86/Barrie et al. - 2024 - Does Protest Influence Political Speech Evidence .pdf}
}

@article{beraja2023ai,
  title = {{{AI-tocracy}}},
  author = {Beraja, Martin and Kao, Andrew and Yang, David Y and Yuchtman, Noam},
  year = {2023},
  journal = {The Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  volume = {138},
  number = {3},
  pages = {1349--1402},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press}
}

@article{besley2019democratic,
  title = {Democratic Values and Institutions},
  author = {Besley, Timothy and Persson, Torsten},
  year = {2019},
  journal = {American Economic Review: Insights},
  volume = {1},
  number = {1},
  pages = {59--76},
  publisher = {American Economic Association 2014 Broadway, Suite 305, Nashville, TN 37203}
}

@article{biggs2020,
  title = {Did Local Civil Rights Protest Liberalize Whites' Racial Attitudes?},
  author = {Biggs, Michael and Barrie, Christopher and Andrews, Kenneth T.},
  year = {2020},
  month = jul,
  journal = {Research \& Politics},
  volume = {7},
  number = {3},
  pages = {2053168020914757},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
  issn = {2053-1680},
  doi = {10.1177/2053168020914757},
  urldate = {2024-04-11},
  abstract = {Mazumder investigates the long-term effect of protest on political attitudes. He finds that whites have more liberal views on race and are more likely to be Democrats in counties where Civil Rights protest was reported in the early 1960s. The analysis omits a crucial predictor of protest and of racial attitudes: college education. We include the proportion of adults with a college degree and the number of college students at the county level. The inclusion of these variables, along with some other contextual variables from the original dataset, cuts the effect of protest by about half. Protest is no longer statistically significant in eight out of nine combinations of outcome variables and protest measures. The size of the effect remains trivial when we shift analysis from the county to the individual level. Even accounting for the individual's own education, the county's proportion of college graduates is strongly associated with racial liberalism. This finding emphasizes the importance of education as a contextual variable. Our conclusion highlights two methodological lessons. First, causal inference should be paired with sustained historical inquiry that specifies plausible mechanisms. Second, statistical tests for sensitivity can induce complacency about the risk of confounding.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/PVVIG9RN/Biggs et al. - 2020 - Did local civil rights protest liberalize whites’ .pdf}
}

@article{bleck2013,
  title = {Valence {{Issues}} in {{African Elections}}: {{Navigating Uncertainty}} and the {{Weight}} of the {{Past}}},
  shorttitle = {Valence {{Issues}} in {{African Elections}}},
  author = {Bleck, Jaimie and Van De Walle, Nicolas},
  year = {2013},
  month = nov,
  journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
  volume = {46},
  number = {11},
  pages = {1394--1421},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0010-4140},
  doi = {10.1177/0010414012453448},
  urldate = {2020-05-03},
  abstract = {Previous analyses of African politics have mistaken parties' dearth of position taking on issues as an absence of substantive electoral debate. The authors demonstrate that political parties tackle substantive issues during African elections, but generally voice them through valence appeals rather than by staking out distinct positions. The authors theorize that uncertainty, coupled with the single-party heritage and the elite dominance of African electoral politics, leads parties to employ valence discourse in their national election campaigns. With evidence from 950 newspaper articles during seven election cycles in African countries, the authors show that politicians predominantly use valence discourse when discussing political issues in the period approaching elections. They find tentative evidence that opposition actors are more likely to take positions than incumbents, and that civil society is more likely to raise position issues than political parties. This contribution aims to enrich the debate on electoral issues in Africa, but also draw greater attention to the potential impact of valence discourse on party systems in a comparative context.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/3YG9ZJ25/Bleck and van de Walle - 2013 - Valence Issues in African Elections Navigating Un.pdf}
}

@book{bleck2018a,
  title = {Electoral {{Politics}} in {{Africa}} since 1990: {{Continuity}} in {{Change}}},
  shorttitle = {Electoral {{Politics}} in {{Africa}} since 1990},
  author = {Bleck, Jaimie and {van de Walle}, Nicolas},
  year = {2018},
  month = nov,
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  abstract = {Democratic transitions in the early 1990s introduced a sea change in Sub-Saharan African politics. Between 1990 and 2015, several hundred competitive legislative and presidential elections were held in all but a handful of the region's countries. This book is the first comprehensive comparative analysis of the key issues, actors, and trends in these elections over the last quarter century. The book asks: what motivates African citizens to vote? What issues do candidates campaign on? How has the turn to regular elections promoted greater democracy? Has regular electoral competition made a difference for the welfare of citizens? The authors argue that regular elections have both caused significant changes in African politics and been influenced in turn by a rapidly changing continent - even if few of the political systems that now convene elections can be considered democratic, and even if many old features of African politics persist.},
  googlebooks = {qOlwDwAAQBAJ},
  isbn = {978-1-107-16208-2},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Political Science / American Government / General,Political Science / Comparative Politics,Political Science / Political Process / Campaigns & Elections}
}

@misc{boateng2017,
  title = {Founders {{Day}} to Be {{Aug}}. 4, {{Sept}}. 21 to Honour {{Nkrumah}}'s Memory},
  author = {Boateng, Kojo Akoto},
  year = {2017},
  month = sep,
  urldate = {2023-12-04},
  abstract = {President Nana Akufo-Addo is to propose legislation to designate August 4 as Founders Day. This is according to a statement},
  howpublished = {https://www.modernghana.com/news/803296/founders-day-to-be-aug-4-sept-21-to-honour-nkrumahs-memo.html},
  langid = {american},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/IW9HSJVN/founders-day-to-be-aug-4-sept-21-to-honour-nkrumahs-memory.html}
}

@article{boehmke2023,
  title = {Did {{Black Lives Matter Protests Change Public Opinion}}?},
  author = {Boehmke, Frederick J. and Avery, Samuel M. and Good, Marissa S. and Dainty, Thomas C. and Ko, Hyein},
  year = {2023},
  month = nov,
  journal = {American Politics Research},
  volume = {51},
  number = {6},
  pages = {683--700},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {1532-673X},
  doi = {10.1177/1532673X231175625},
  urldate = {2023-12-11},
  abstract = {Protest events affect public opinion on the issue of interest. However, the extent to which an individual's proximity to protests impacts public opinion is less examined. Does a protest event occurring nearby, i.e., within an individual's neighborhood, impact their opinion? Do protests that happen further away, perhaps in the next county, have the same impact on public opinion? This study analyzes the impact of exposure to protests by focusing on the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement in 2020 using public opinion data from Iowa merged with protest locations in Iowa. Specifically, we examine public support for BLM and for defunding the police. We evaluate the role of distance through a discrete mileage cut-off and a distance decay function. Our analysis shows that people living closer to protests show greater support for the BLM movement in general and, to a less extent, for defunding the police. The results suggest that protests may affect public opinion, but only within a very narrow range of a few miles.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/VFQ5SMYH/Boehmke et al. - 2023 - Did Black Lives Matter Protests Change Public Opin.pdf}
}

@article{branton2015,
  title = {Social {{Protest}} and {{Policy Attitudes}}: {{The Case}} of the 2006 {{Immigrant Rallies}}},
  shorttitle = {Social {{Protest}} and {{Policy Attitudes}}},
  author = {Branton, Regina and {Martinez-Ebers}, Valerie and Carey Jr., Tony E. and Matsubayashi, Tetsuya},
  year = {2015},
  journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {59},
  number = {2},
  pages = {390--402},
  issn = {1540-5907},
  doi = {10.1111/ajps.12159},
  urldate = {2023-12-10},
  abstract = {Do protests sway public opinion? If so, why and how? To address these questions, we examine the impact of the 2006 immigration protests on immigration policy preferences. We use the 2006 Latino National Survey coupled with protest data to examine whether temporal and spatial exposure to the protests are associated with policy preferences. Our findings lend evidence that protest activity influences Latinos' immigration policy preferences. However, the findings suggest the effect of protest on immigration policy preferences is not uniform across the population, but rather contingent on generational status and the intensity of protest activity at the local level.},
  copyright = {{\copyright}2014, Midwest Political Science Association},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/6DNIEC25/ajps.html}
}

@article{bremer2020dynamics,
  title = {Dynamics of Protest and Electoral Politics in the {{Great Recession}}},
  author = {Bremer, Bj{\"o}rn and Hutter, Swen and Kriesi, Hanspeter},
  year = {2020},
  journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
  volume = {59},
  number = {4},
  pages = {842--866},
  publisher = {Wiley Online Library}
}

@article{brierley2020,
  title = {The {{Moderating Effect}} of {{Debates}} on {{Political Attitudes}}},
  author = {Brierley, Sarah and Kramon, Eric and Ofosu, George Kwaku},
  year = {2020},
  journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {64},
  number = {1},
  pages = {19--37},
  issn = {1540-5907},
  doi = {10.1111/ajps.12458},
  urldate = {2021-02-07},
  abstract = {In theory, candidate debates can influence voters by providing information about candidates' quality and policy positions. However, there is limited evidence about whether and why debates influence voters in new democracies. We use a field experiment on parliamentary debates during Ghana's 2016 elections to show that debates improve voters' evaluations of candidates. Debates have the strongest effect on partisan voters, who become more favorable toward and more likely to vote for opponent-party candidates and less likely to vote for co-partisans. Experimental and unique observational data capturing participants' second-by-second reactions to the debates show that policy information was the most important causal mechanism driving partisan moderation, especially among strong partisans. A follow-up survey shows that these effects persist in electorally competitive communities, whereas they dissipate in party strongholds. Policy-centered debates have the potential to reduce partisan polarization in new democracies, but the local political context conditions the persistence of these effects.},
  copyright = {{\copyright}2019, Midwest Political Science Association},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/WPIBQUVD/Brierley et al. - 2020 - The Moderating Effect of Debates on Political Atti.pdf;/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/VECBUS6A/ajps.html}
}

@article{brierley2020a,
  title = {Unprincipled {{Principals}}: {{Co-opted Bureaucrats}} and {{Corruption}} in {{Ghana}}},
  shorttitle = {Unprincipled {{Principals}}},
  author = {Brierley, Sarah},
  year = {2020},
  journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {64},
  number = {2},
  pages = {209--222},
  issn = {1540-5907},
  doi = {10.1111/ajps.12495},
  urldate = {2023-09-11},
  abstract = {In theory, granting politicians tools to oversee bureaucrats can reduce administrative malfeasance. In contrast, I argue that the political control of bureaucrats can increase corruption when politicians need money to fund election campaigns and face limited institutional constraints. In such contexts, politicians can leverage their discretionary powers to incentivize bureaucrats to extract rents from the state on politicians' behalf. Using data from an original survey of bureaucrats (N = 864) across 80 randomly sampled local governments in Ghana, I show that bureaucrats are more likely to facilitate politicians' corrupt behavior when politicians are perceived to be empowered with higher levels of discretionary control. Using qualitative data and a list experiment to demonstrate the mechanism, I show that politicians enact corruption by threatening to transfer noncompliant officers. My findings provide new evidence on the sources of public administrative deficiencies in developing countries and qualify the presumption that greater political oversight improves governance.},
  copyright = {{\copyright}2020, Midwest Political Science Association},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/BVB8V3N3/Brierley - 2020 - Unprincipled Principals Co-opted Bureaucrats and .pdf;/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/M5MNHKVW/ajps.html}
}

@article{brooke-holland2024,
  title = {Africa in 2024: {{Democracy}} and Instability},
  shorttitle = {Africa in 2024},
  author = {{Brooke-Holland}, Louisa},
  year = {2024},
  month = jan,
  urldate = {2024-03-25},
  abstract = {South Africa and Rwanda mark significant anniversaries and elections in 2024, and African countries and institutions are gaining influence on the world stage.},
  langid = {british},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/T4AWAHMM/africa-in-2024-democracy-and-instability.html}
}

@techreport{brooke-holland2024b,
  title = {Africa in 2024: {{Democracy}} and Instability},
  shorttitle = {Africa in 2024},
  author = {{Brooke-Holland}, Louisa},
  year = {2024},
  month = jan,
  institution = {House of Commons Library},
  urldate = {2024-04-13},
  abstract = {South Africa and Rwanda mark significant anniversaries and elections in 2024, and African countries and institutions are gaining influence on the world stage.},
  langid = {british},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/WABGZUNT/africa-in-2024-democracy-and-instability.html}
}

@article{bugden2020,
  title = {Does {{Climate Protest Work}}? {{Partisanship}}, {{Protest}}, and {{Sentiment Pools}}},
  shorttitle = {Does {{Climate Protest Work}}?},
  author = {Bugden, Dylan},
  year = {2020},
  month = jan,
  journal = {Socius : sociological research for a dynamic world},
  volume = {6},
  pages = {2378023120925949},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications},
  issn = {2378-0231},
  doi = {10.1177/2378023120925949},
  urldate = {2023-12-10},
  abstract = {This study demonstrates whether and how climate protest increases or decreases the ``sentiment pools'' available to the climate movement. Using an experimental vignette survey design (n = 1,421), the author finds that compared with a control condition, peaceful marches are effective for both independents and Democrats, while civil disobedience has a positive effect among Democrats. These effects are isolated to those who are most certain of anthropogenic climate change. No effect is observed among Republicans. Despite evidence from other studies suggesting the possibility, no ``backfire'' effects are observed for any group or protest type. This study (1) lends supports to the use of tactical diversity within the climate movement and (2) demonstrates how the broader forces of partisanship interact with protest to shift the pool of supporters available to movements, extending our nascent collective knowledge of how partisanship shapes the outcomes of social movements and protest.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/UZCXMHUF/Bugden - 2020 - Does Climate Protest Work Partisanship, Protest, .pdf}
}

@article{calvillo2023,
  title = {Partisan Bias in False Memories for Misinformation about the 2021 {{U}}.{{S}}. {{Capitol}} Riot},
  author = {Calvillo, Dustin P. and Harris, Justin D. and Hawkins, Whitney C.},
  year = {2023},
  month = jan,
  journal = {Memory (Hove, England)},
  volume = {31},
  number = {1},
  pages = {137--146},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0965-8211},
  doi = {10.1080/09658211.2022.2127771},
  urldate = {2023-12-11},
  abstract = {Memory for events can be biased. For example, people tend to recall more events that support than oppose their current worldview. The present study examined partisan bias in memory for events related to the January 6, 2021, Capitol riot in the United States. Participants rated their memory for true and false events that were either favourable to their political party or the other major political party in the United States. For both true and false events, participants remembered more events that favoured their political party. Regression analyses showed that the number of false memories that participants reported was positively associated with their tendency to support conspiracy beliefs and with their self-reported engagement with the Capitol riot. These results suggest that Democrats and Republicans remember the Capitol Riot differently and that certain individual difference factors can predict the formation of false memories in this context. Misinformation played an influential role in the Capitol riot and understanding differences in memory for this event is beneficial to avoiding similar tragedies in the future.},
  pmid = {36170037},
  keywords = {fake news,False memory,memory bias,political ideology},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/GPBA2DHU/Calvillo et al. - 2023 - Partisan bias in false memories for misinformation.pdf}
}

@article{carey2014,
  title = {The {{Influence}} of {{Social Protests}} on {{Issue Salience}} among {{Latinos}}},
  author = {Carey, Tony E. and Branton, Regina P. and {Martinez-Ebers}, Valerie},
  year = {2014},
  journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
  volume = {67},
  number = {3},
  pages = {615--627},
  publisher = {[University of Utah, Sage Publications, Inc.]},
  issn = {1065-9129},
  urldate = {2023-12-10},
  abstract = {Much of the protest literature has examined the policy consequences of social protests. Few studies focus on the effect of social protests on public opinion. We examine the impact of the 2006 immigration protests on the saliency of immigration among Latinos. The 2006 Latino National Survey was in the field before and after the protests began, creating a natural experiment. Using these data, we discover protests increased Latinos' perception of undocumented immigration as the most important problem facing Latinos. Furthermore, our analysis shows that the effect of protest was not uniform across the population but rather contingent on individuals' characteristics.},
  jstor = {24371896},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/8QQR2GFP/Carey et al. - 2014 - The Influence of Social Protests on Issue Salience.pdf}
}

@article{carlson2016finding,
  title = {Finding Partisanship Where We Least Expect It: {{Evidence}} of Partisan Bias in a New {{African}} Democracy},
  author = {Carlson, Elizabeth},
  year = {2016},
  journal = {Political Behavior},
  volume = {38},
  number = {1},
  pages = {129--154},
  publisher = {Springer}
}

@book{chong2014collective,
  title = {Collective Action and the Civil Rights Movement},
  author = {Chong, Dennis},
  year = {2014},
  publisher = {University of Chicago Press}
}

@article{christensen2018,
  title = {Can {{You Hear Me Now}}? {{How Communication Technology Affects Protest}} and {{Repression}}},
  shorttitle = {Can {{You Hear Me Now}}?},
  author = {Christensen, Darin and Garfias, Francisco},
  year = {2018},
  journal = {Quarterly journal of political science},
  volume = {13},
  number = {1},
  pages = {89--117},
  issn = {1554-0626},
  doi = {10.1561/100.00016129},
  urldate = {2022-04-16},
  abstract = {Commentators covering recent social movements, such as the Arab Spring, commonly claim that cell phones enable protests. Yet, existing empirical work does not conclusively support this contention: some studies find that these technologies actually reduce collective action; many others struggle to overcome the selection problems that dog observational research. We propose two mechanisms through which cell phones affect protests: (1) by enabling communication among would-be protesters, cell phones lower coordination costs; and (2) these technologies broadcast information about whether a protest is repressed. Knowing that a larger audience now witnesses and may be angered by repression, governments refrain from squashing demonstrations, further lowering the cost of protesting. We evaluate these mechanisms using high-resolution global data on the expansion of cell phone coverage and incidence of protest from 2007 to 2014. Our difference-in-differences estimates indicate that cell phone coverage increases the probability of protest by over half the mean. Consistent with our second mechanism, we also find that gaining coverage has a larger effect when it connects a locality to a large proportion of other citizens.},
  pmcid = {PMC6461378},
  pmid = {30983919},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/NMZPYCIV/Christensen and Garfias - 2018 - Can You Hear Me Now How Communication Technology .pdf}
}

@misc{citinewsroom2023,
  title = {\#{{OccupyJulorbiHouse}} Demo: {{Arrest}} of Protesters Shameful -- {{NDC}}},
  shorttitle = {\#{{OccupyJulorbiHouse}} Demo},
  author = {{Citi Newsroom}},
  year = {2023},
  month = sep,
  urldate = {2024-03-25},
  abstract = {The National Democratic Congress (NDC) has condemned the arrest of protesters who were demonstrating against the government on Thursday, September},
  chapter = {Top Stories},
  langid = {american},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/EEDFZSAY/occupyjulorbihouse-demo-arrest-of-protesters-shameful-ndc.html}
}

@incollection{clement2016,
  title = {The 2010s: {{A Decade}} of {{Riot}} and {{Protest}}},
  shorttitle = {The 2010s},
  booktitle = {A {{People}}'s {{History}} of {{Riots}}, {{Protest}} and the {{Law}}: {{The Sound}} of the {{Crowd}}},
  author = {Clement, Matt},
  editor = {Clement, Matt},
  year = {2016},
  pages = {179--215},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan UK},
  address = {London},
  doi = {10.1057/978-1-137-52751-6_7},
  urldate = {2023-12-11},
  abstract = {The onset of the global economic crisis in 2008 has ushered in a new era of riot and protest. A timeline of significant episodes of what has been variously described as social contention (Tilly and Tarrow, Contentious politics (2nd ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), insurgency, uprising, social movements, anti-capitalism, occupation (Badiou 2012; Chomsky, Occupy! London: Penguin, 2012) and even indignation (Hessel Indignez vous! Montpelier: Indig{\`e}ne editions, 2011) shows their scale reaching a peak in 2011, before dropping away but continuing in subsequent years on a higher plateau than the previous decade. This chapter presents a summary of the significant features of some of these events, and examines the contours of the UK 2011 riots and the US series of protests against police killings which began in August 2014 and continues at the time of writing.},
  isbn = {978-1-137-52751-6},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Black Church,Black Panther Party,Black People,Political Protest,Social Movement}
}

@article{croco2023,
  title = {Protests and Persuasion: {{Partisanships}} Effect on Evaluating Nonviolent Tactics in the {{United States}}},
  shorttitle = {Protests and Persuasion},
  author = {Croco, Sarah E and Cunningham, Kathleen Gallagher and Vincent, Taylor},
  year = {2023},
  month = jan,
  journal = {Journal of Peace Research},
  volume = {60},
  number = {1},
  pages = {26--41},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
  issn = {0022-3433},
  doi = {10.1177/00223433221146577},
  urldate = {2023-12-10},
  abstract = {How does the public respond to nonviolent resistance tactics? This survey experiment examines both approval and perceptions of legitimacy for five nonviolent tactics using a sample of American adults. We include two variations in our treatment -- first examining responses to different protest tactics, then adding in the factor of co-partisanship, which we argue is a relevant identity in the US political context. In the non-partisan treatments, we find a stark dichotomy between our measures of approval and legitimacy. All nonviolent treatment tactics decrease approval for the neutral activist group using them, but three of four tactic treatments increase the probability that respondents will support our legitimacy indicators (congressional hearing invitation and media attention). We find that partisanship conditions how respondents evaluate nonviolent tactics of resistance, but not in ways we would expect based on the conventional wisdom that liberals favor `nonviolent resistance' while conservatives do not. Partisan alignment has a consistent effect on respondent approval of tactics in that the partisan treatment leads to disapproval of out-partisan groups across the nonviolent tactics (compared to no mention of tactic or partisanship). Surprisingly, however, this finding on co-partisanship does not extend to our measures of legitimacy. Partisanship clearly conditions the way that respondents evaluate nonviolent tactics of resistance, but not necessarily in predictable ways.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/N33DIAHH/Croco et al. - 2023 - Protests and persuasion Partisanships effect on e.pdf}
}

@article{curtice2021,
  title = {How {{Repression Affects Public Perceptions}} of {{Police}}: {{Evidence}} from a {{Natural Experiment}} in {{Uganda}}},
  shorttitle = {How {{Repression Affects Public Perceptions}} of {{Police}}},
  author = {Curtice, Travis},
  year = {2021},
  month = nov,
  journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
  volume = {65},
  number = {10},
  pages = {1680--1708},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0022-0027},
  doi = {10.1177/00220027211013097},
  urldate = {2023-11-22},
  abstract = {What are the effects of state repression on public perceptions of police? And to what extent are these effects uniform or conditional on individuals' loyalty to political authorities? I argue that repression by the police negatively affects how people evaluate the police, especially among those who do not support the ruling party. People who oppose the regime are more likely to fear the police following a repressive event relative to regime supporters. To test this argument, I leverage a unique research design opportunity that emerges from the social media tax protest led by Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu (also known as Bobi Wine) and subsequent selective repression by the Uganda Police Force while a nationally representative survey on police and security was being administered in Uganda. I demonstrate selective repression of protesters decreased support for the police. These effects are largely driven by political loyalty; repression has a stronger effect on how members of the opposition evaluate the police relative to incumbent supporters.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/TMLF7DA2/Curtice - 2021 - How Repression Affects Public Perceptions of Polic.pdf}
}

@article{dennison2023reverse,
  title = {The Reverse Backlash: {{How}} the Success of Populist Radical Right Parties Relates to More Positive Immigration Attitudes},
  author = {Dennison, James and Kustov, Alexander},
  year = {2023},
  journal = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  volume = {87},
  number = {4},
  pages = {1013--1024},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press}
}

@article{donkor2024,
  title = {How {{Campaign Promises Crashed Ghana}}'s {{Economy}}},
  author = {Donkor, Audrey},
  year = {2024},
  month = mar,
  journal = {Foreign Policy},
  urldate = {2024-03-25},
  abstract = {Ghana's economic troubles long preceded the COVID-19 pandemic, thanks to its politicians' penchant for overspending.},
  langid = {american},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/PJVTK5GB/ghana-akufo-addo-economic-crisis-overspending-imf.html}
}

@article{drakulich2022,
  title = {The {{Partisans}} and the {{Persuadables}}: {{Public Views}} of {{Black Lives Matter}} and the 2020 {{Protests}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Partisans}} and the {{Persuadables}}},
  author = {Drakulich, Kevin and Denver, Megan},
  year = {2022},
  month = dec,
  journal = {Perspectives on Politics},
  volume = {20},
  number = {4},
  pages = {1191--1208},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  issn = {1537-5927, 1541-0986},
  doi = {10.1017/S1537592721004114},
  urldate = {2023-12-11},
  abstract = {In the spring and summer of 2020, a remarkable number of Americans participated in a remarkable number of protests in support of Black Lives Matter. How did the general public understand these protests, and where does support for the movement stand overall? We answer this question by drawing on several national surveys from 2020 and then examining the results of a framing experiment we conducted in June 2020. We structure the story we find in two parts---the partisans and the persuadables---both of whom are important to understanding public views of Black Lives Matter. Democrats and Republicans differ strongly in their views of the movement but are similar in the firmness of those views, which did not change in response to our framing experiment. Nonpartisans, in contrast, were more persuadable, though their reactions to some of our frames were conditioned by racial resentment. We conclude by setting the movement in historical context and assessing its impact, which we describe as complicated and contradictory but consequential.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/PJKR849C/Drakulich and Denver - 2022 - The Partisans and the Persuadables Public Views o.pdf}
}

@book{dunning2019a,
  title = {Information, {{Accountability}}, and {{Cumulative Learning}}: {{Lessons}} from {{Metaketa I}}},
  shorttitle = {Information, {{Accountability}}, and {{Cumulative Learning}}},
  author = {Dunning, Thad and Grossman, Guy and Humphreys, Macartan and Hyde, Susan D. and McIntosh, Craig and Nellis, Gareth},
  year = {2019},
  month = jul,
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  abstract = {Throughout the world, voters lack access to information about politicians, government performance, and public services. Efforts to remedy these informational deficits are numerous. Yet do informational campaigns influence voter behavior and increase democratic accountability? Through the first project of the Metaketa Initiative, sponsored by the Evidence in Governance and Politics (EGAP) research network, this book aims to address this substantive question and at the same time introduce a new model for cumulative learning that increases coordination among otherwise independent researcher teams. It presents the overall results (using meta-analysis) from six independently conducted but coordinated field experimental studies, the results from each individual study, and the findings from a related evaluation of whether practitioners utilize this information as expected. It also discusses lessons learned from EGAP's efforts to coordinate field experiments, increase replication of theoretically important studies across contexts, and increase the external validity of field experimental research.},
  googlebooks = {SxSgDwAAQBAJ},
  isbn = {978-1-108-39507-6},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Language Arts \& Disciplines / Library \& Information Science / General,Political Science / Comparative Politics,Political Science / General,Reference / Research,Social Science / Research}
}

@article{eggers2022rallying,
  title = {Rallying in Fear? {{Estimating}} the Effect of the {{UK COVID-19}} Lockdown with a Natural Experiment},
  author = {Eggers, Andrew C and Harding, Robin},
  year = {2022},
  journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
  volume = {61},
  number = {2},
  pages = {586--600},
  publisher = {Wiley Online Library}
}

@article{eggersforthcoming,
  title = {Placebo {{Tests}} for {{Causal Inference}}},
  author = {Eggers, Andrew C. and Tu{\~n}{\'o}n, Guadalupe and Dafoe, Allan},
  year = {forthcoming},
  journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {n/a},
  number = {n/a},
  issn = {1540-5907},
  doi = {10.1111/ajps.12818},
  urldate = {2024-03-13},
  abstract = {Placebo tests are increasingly common in applied social science research, but the methodological literature has not previously offered a comprehensive account of what we learn from them. We define placebo tests as tools for assessing the plausibility of the assumptions underlying a research design relative to some departure from those assumptions. We offer a typology of tests defined by the aspect of the research design that is altered to produce it (outcome, treatment, or population) and the type of assumption that is tested (bias assumptions or distributional assumptions). Our formal framework clarifies the extra assumptions necessary for informative placebo tests; these assumptions can be strong, and in some cases similar assumptions would justify a different procedure allowing the researcher to relax the research design's assumptions rather than test them. Properly designed and interpreted, placebo tests can be an important device for assessing the credibility of empirical research designs.},
  copyright = {{\copyright} 2023 The Authors. American Journal of Political Science published by Wiley Periodicals LLC on behalf of Midwest Political Science Association.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/4EKPHX5M/Eggers et al. - Placebo Tests for Causal Inference.pdf;/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/GXH2EMJJ/ajps.html}
}

@article{el2020protests,
  title = {How Do Protests Affect Electoral Choices? {{Evidence}} from {{Egypt}}},
  author = {{El-Mallakh}, Nelly},
  year = {2020},
  journal = {Journal of Economic Behavior \& Organization},
  volume = {179},
  pages = {299--322},
  publisher = {Elsevier}
}

@article{finkel1989personal,
  title = {Personal Influence, Collective Rationality, and Mass Political Action},
  author = {Finkel, Steven E and Muller, Edward N and Opp, Karl-Dieter},
  year = {1989},
  journal = {American Political Science Review},
  volume = {83},
  number = {3},
  pages = {885--903},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@article{frye2019,
  title = {Elections, {{Protest}}, and {{Trust}} in {{Government}}: {{A Natural Experiment}} from {{Russia}}},
  shorttitle = {Elections, {{Protest}}, and {{Trust}} in {{Government}}},
  author = {Frye, Timothy and Borisova, Ekaterina},
  year = {2019},
  month = jul,
  journal = {The Journal of Politics},
  volume = {81},
  number = {3},
  pages = {820--832},
  publisher = {The University of Chicago Press},
  issn = {0022-3816},
  doi = {10.1086/702944},
  urldate = {2023-11-22},
  abstract = {How do elections and postelection protest shape political trust in a competitive autocracy? Taking advantage of largely exogenous variation in the timing of a survey conducted in Moscow in 2011, we find that with few exceptions the election had little systematic effect on political trust, perhaps because vote improprieties were not new information. In contrast, the unexpected protest that followed increased trust in government. In this case, heightened trust arises largely from opposition voters---those most likely to be surprised by permission to hold the protest---who update their beliefs. We argue that when autocrats permit protest unexpectedly, citizens may update their beliefs about the trustworthiness of the government. Our results suggest that citizens may cue not off the content of a protest but off the government's decision to permit it. In addition, autocrats can increase trust in government by allowing protest when it is unexpected.},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/S353MMXS/Frye and Borisova - 2019 - Elections, Protest, and Trust in Government A Nat.pdf}
}

@article{gause2022,
  title = {Revealing {{Issue Salience}} via {{Costly Protest}}: {{How Legislative Behavior Following Protest Advantages Low-Resource Groups}}},
  shorttitle = {Revealing {{Issue Salience}} via {{Costly Protest}}},
  author = {Gause, LaGina},
  year = {2022},
  month = jan,
  journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {52},
  number = {1},
  pages = {259--279},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  issn = {0007-1234, 1469-2112},
  doi = {10.1017/S0007123420000423},
  urldate = {2023-12-10},
  abstract = {Collective action, particularly by low-resource groups, presents an opportunity for re-election-minded legislators to learn about (and subsequently represent) their constituents' salient interests. In fact, legislators are more likely to support the preferences of protesters than non-protesters. Legislators are also more likely to support the preferences of racial and ethnic minority, low-income and grassroots protesting groups than they are to represent better-resourced protesters. This argument emerges from a formal theory and is empirically tested using legislative roll-call vote data from the 102nd through the 104th US Congresses and data on civil rights, minority issues and civil liberties issue area protests reported in the New York Times. This counterintuitive result enhances understanding of inequalities in representation. It demonstrates that under certain conditions, political representation favors disadvantaged populations.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {collective action,inequality,legislative behavior,protest,race and ethnic politics,representation}
}

@article{gelman2006,
  title = {The {{Difference Between}} ``{{Significant}}'' and ``{{Not Significant}}'' Is Not {{Itself Statistically Significant}}},
  author = {Gelman, Andrew and Stern, Hal},
  year = {2006},
  month = nov,
  journal = {The American Statistician},
  volume = {60},
  number = {4},
  pages = {328--331},
  publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
  issn = {0003-1305},
  doi = {10.1198/000313006X152649},
  urldate = {2023-04-11},
  abstract = {It is common to summarize statistical comparisons by declarations of statistical significance or nonsignificance. Here we discuss one problem with such declarations, namely that changes in statistical significance are often not themselves statistically significant. By this, we are not merely making the commonplace observation that any particular threshold is arbitrary---for example, only a small change is required to move an estimate from a 5.1\% significance level to 4.9\%, thus moving it into statistical significance. Rather, we are pointing out that even large changes in significance levels can correspond to small, nonsignificant changes in the underlying quantities.The error we describe is conceptually different from other oft-cited problems---that statistical significance is not the same as practical importance, that dichotomization into significant and nonsignificant results encourages the dismissal of observed differences in favor of the usually less interesting null hypothesis of no difference, and that any particular threshold for declaring significance is arbitrary. We are troubled by all of these concerns and do not intend to minimize their importance. Rather, our goal is to bring attention to this additional error of interpretation. We illustrate with a theoretical example and two applied examples. The ubiquity of this statistical error leads us to suggest that students and practitioners be made more aware that the difference between ``significant'' and ``not significant'' is not itself statistically significant.},
  keywords = {Hypothesis testing,Meta-analysis,Pairwise comparison,Replication}
}

@article{geys2017,
  title = {Will You Still Trust Me Tomorrow? {{The}} Causal Effect of Terrorism on Social Trust},
  shorttitle = {Will You Still Trust Me Tomorrow?},
  author = {Geys, Benny and Qari, Salmai},
  year = {2017},
  month = dec,
  journal = {Public Choice},
  volume = {173},
  number = {3},
  pages = {289--305},
  issn = {1573-7101},
  doi = {10.1007/s11127-017-0477-1},
  urldate = {2023-12-11},
  abstract = {How do people respond to terrorist events? Exploiting the timing of the 2010 wave of the annual `Society Opinion Media' survey in Sweden, we study the causal effect of the Stockholm bombings of 11 December 2010 on Swedish public opinion. Our main contribution is that we draw explicit attention to the link between terrorist events and individuals' social trust. While we identify a strong effect on individuals' concern over terrorism, any observed effects with respect to generalised and neighbourhood trust appear to be short-lived---suggesting that isolated terror events have only limited, transitory effects on established social attitudes.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Public opinion,Terrorism,Threat,Trust},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/S42UUDW5/Geys and Qari - 2017 - Will you still trust me tomorrow The causal effec.pdf}
}

@misc{ghanaweb2023,
  title = {{{FixtheCountry}} to `{{Occupy Jubilee House}}' on {{Nkrumah}}'s Birthday},
  author = {{GhanaWeb}},
  year = {2023},
  month = aug,
  urldate = {2023-12-08},
  abstract = {A lead convener of \#FixTheCountry Movement, Oliver Barker-Vormawor, has announced a plan by the group to stage a protest dubbed 'Occupy Jubilee House'.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/CYVT3HV6/FixtheCountry-to-occupy-Jubilee-House-on-Nkrumah-s-birthday-1823045.html}
}

@misc{ghanaweb2024,
  title = {Occupy {{Julorbi House Demo}}: {{Watch}} as Protestors Set {{NPP}} Flags, Banners Ablaze},
  shorttitle = {Occupy {{Julorbi House Demo}}},
  author = {GhanaWeb},
  year = {2024},
  month = sep,
  journal = {GhanaWeb},
  urldate = {2025-01-14},
  abstract = {Members of the Democracy Hub and some aggrieved youth have hit the streets to protest against the government despite objections from the Ghana Police Service on the route for the 3-day protest.},
  howpublished = {https://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/Occupy-Julorbi-House-Demo-Watch-as-protestors-set-NPP-flags-banners-ablaze-1951800},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/64JBRC6T/Occupy-Julorbi-House-Demo-Watch-as-protestors-set-NPP-flags-banners-ablaze-1951800.html}
}

@article{grossman2022government,
  title = {Government Responsiveness in Developing Countries},
  author = {Grossman, Guy and Slough, Tara},
  year = {2022},
  journal = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  volume = {25},
  pages = {131--153},
  publisher = {Annual Reviews}
}

@article{hainmueller2012,
  title = {Entropy {{Balancing}} for {{Causal Effects}}: {{A Multivariate Reweighting Method}} to {{Produce Balanced Samples}} in {{Observational Studies}}},
  shorttitle = {Entropy {{Balancing}} for {{Causal Effects}}},
  author = {Hainmueller, Jens},
  year = {2012},
  month = jan,
  journal = {Political Analysis},
  volume = {20},
  number = {1},
  pages = {25--46},
  issn = {1047-1987, 1476-4989},
  doi = {10.1093/pan/mpr025},
  urldate = {2024-03-25},
  abstract = {This paper proposes entropy balancing, a data preprocessing method to achieve covariate balance in observational studies with binary treatments. Entropy balancing relies on a maximum entropy reweighting scheme that calibrates unit weights so that the reweighted treatment and control group satisfy a potentially large set of prespecified balance conditions that incorporate information about known sample moments. Entropy balancing thereby exactly adjusts inequalities in representation with respect to the first, second, and possibly higher moments of the covariate distributions. These balance improvements can reduce model dependence for the subsequent estimation of treatment effects. The method assures that balance improves on all covariate moments included in the reweighting. It also obviates the need for continual balance checking and iterative searching over propensity score models that may stochastically balance the covariate moments. We demonstrate the use of entropy balancing with Monte Carlo simulations and empirical applications.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/KE9VRT5E/Hainmueller - 2012 - Entropy Balancing for Causal Effects A Multivaria.pdf}
}

@article{harding2015,
  title = {Attribution {{And Accountability}}: {{Voting}} for Roads in {{Ghana}}},
  shorttitle = {Attribution {{And Accountability}}},
  author = {Harding, Robin},
  year = {2015},
  month = oct,
  journal = {World Politics},
  volume = {67},
  number = {4},
  pages = {656--689},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  issn = {0043-8871, 1086-3338},
  doi = {10.1017/S0043887115000209},
  urldate = {2020-05-04},
  abstract = {Do voters in Africa use elections to hold governments accountable for their performance in office? In contexts of limited information and weak state capacity, it can be difficult for citizens to attribute the provision of public goods and services to political action. As a result, voters often have little information about government performance on which to condition their electoral support. Such contexts are frequently characterized by clientelism or ethnic politics, and there is a widespread impression that African elections are little more than contests in corruption or ethnic mobilization. Using an original panel data set containing electoral returns and detailed information on road conditions throughout Ghana, the author provides robust evidence that when a public good can be attributed to political action, as is the case with roads in Ghana, electoral support is affected by the provision of that good. The author also uses data on a variety of educational inputs to test the claim that votes are conditioned only on attributable outcomes.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/IL9FUK98/6A20863561E72A8B8DA85DFFC2F71E7D.html}
}

@article{harding2019,
  title = {Candidate Coethnicity, Rural/Urban Divides, and Partisanship in {{Africa}}},
  author = {Harding, Robin and Michelitch, Kristin},
  year = {2019},
  month = dec,
  journal = {Party Politics},
  pages = {1354068819893669},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
  issn = {1354-0688},
  doi = {10.1177/1354068819893669},
  urldate = {2020-04-26},
  abstract = {Why do some citizens in new democracies attach to parties while others do not? We investigate the determinants of partisanship in Africa by theorizing the role of parties' group mobilization tactics and testing our arguments alongside existing explanations from new democracies. First, using original data on candidate ethnicity, we evaluate a debate as to whether coethnicity with presidential and/or vice presidential candidates is associated with greater partisanship. Contrary to traditional wisdom, we find no continent-wide relationship---prominently studied cases (e.g. Kenya, Ghana) may be falsely overgeneralized. Second, we propose that partisanship is more likely among rural citizens. We find robust, continent-wide support for this relationship, which we show is partially driven by citizens' links to traditional authorities, who often act as opinion leaders and/or brokers for parties. As in other new democracies, partisanship is positively associated with experience with multiparty democracy, the electoral cycle, age, male gender, and education.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/HV2D444P/Harding and Michelitch - 2019 - Candidate coethnicity, ruralurban divides, and pa.pdf}
}

@book{harding2020,
  title = {Rural {{Democracy}}: {{Elections}} and {{Development}} in {{Africa}}},
  shorttitle = {Rural {{Democracy}}},
  author = {Harding, Robin},
  year = {2020},
  month = feb,
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  abstract = {How have African rulers responded to the introduction of democratic electoral competition? Despite the broadly negative picture painted by the prevailing focus on electoral fraud, clientelism, and ethnic conflict, the book argues that the full story is somewhat more promising. While these unfortunate practices may be widespread, African rulers also seek to win votes through the provision and distribution of public goods and services. The author's central argument is that in predominantly rural countries the introduction of competitive elections leads governments to implement pro-rural policies, in order to win the votes of the rural majority. As a result, across much of Africa the benefits of democratic electoral competition have accrued primarily in terms of rural development. This broad claim is supported by cross-national evidence, both from public opinion surveys and from individual level data on health and education outcomes. The argument's core assumptions about voting behavior are supported with quantitative evidence from Ghana, and qualitative historical evidence from Botswana presents further evidence for the underlying theoretical mechanism. Taken together, this body of evidence provides reasons to be optimistic about the operation of electoral accountability in Africa. African governments are responding to the accountability structures provided by electoral competition; in that sense, democracy in Africa is working. Oxford Studies in African Politics and International Relations is a series for scholars and students working on African politics and International Relations and related disciplines. Volumes concentrate on contemporary developments in African political science, political economy, and International Relations, such as electoral politics, democratization, decentralization, the political impact of natural resources, the dynamics and consequences of conflict, and the nature of the continent's engagement with the East and West. Comparative and mixed methods work is particularly encouraged. Case studies are welcomed but should demonstrate the broader theoretical and empirical implications of the study and its wider relevance to contemporary debates. The series focuses on sub-Saharan Africa, although proposals that explain how the region engages with North Africa and other parts of the world are of interest. Series Editors: Nic Cheeseman, Professor of Democracy and International Development, University of Birmingham; and Ricardo Soares de Oliveira, Professor of the International Politics of Africa, University of Oxford.},
  googlebooks = {6NbODwAAQBAJ},
  isbn = {978-0-19-885107-3},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Political Science / Comparative Politics,Political Science / History & Theory,Political Science / World / African}
}

@article{harding2023terrorism,
  title = {Terrorism, Trust, and Identity: {{Evidence}} from a Natural Experiment in Nigeria},
  author = {Harding, Robin and Nwokolo, Arinze},
  year = {2023},
  journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
  publisher = {Wiley Online Library}
}

@article{harris2019,
  title = {Taking to the {{Streets}}: {{Protest}} as an {{Expression}} of {{Political Preference}} in {{Africa}}},
  shorttitle = {Taking to the {{Streets}}},
  author = {Harris, Adam S. and Hern, Erin},
  year = {2019},
  month = jul,
  journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
  volume = {52},
  number = {8},
  pages = {1169--1199},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0010-4140},
  doi = {10.1177/0010414018806540},
  urldate = {2023-12-11},
  abstract = {Between 2011 and 2014, there were 5 times as many protests per annum in Africa as there had been in 2000. The majority of these protests were related to deteriorating economic conditions, poor service delivery, inadequate wages, and economic inequality. These protests, which we term ``valence protests,'' do not fit easily into typical narratives about contentious behavior: they are neither social movements, nor revolutionary, nor a manifestation of organized labor---instead, many of these protests are a collective expression of a valence issue of which the government is well aware. We argue for a different conceptual framework for valence protests and contend that they are a way for politically engaged citizens to express their political preferences when voting is insufficient. Using Round 5 Afrobarometer data, we find empirical support for this claim. We also find that citizens more readily communicate political preferences through protest in countries governed by dominant parties.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/EU5M5NGI/Harris and Hern - 2019 - Taking to the Streets Protest as an Expression of.pdf}
}

@article{hetherington2003,
  title = {Anatomy of a {{Rally Effect}}: {{George W}}. {{Bush}} and the {{War}} on {{Terrorism}}},
  shorttitle = {Anatomy of a {{Rally Effect}}},
  author = {Hetherington, Marc J. and Nelson, Michael},
  year = {2003},
  month = jan,
  journal = {PS: Political Science \& Politics},
  volume = {36},
  number = {1},
  pages = {37--42},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  issn = {1537-5935, 1049-0965},
  doi = {10.1017/S1049096503001665},
  urldate = {2023-12-11},
  abstract = {The ``rally-round-the-flag effect'' sparked by the September 11, 2001, attacks on New York and Washington and by President George W. Bush's prompt launching of the War on Terrorism cries out for the kind of timely analysis that political scientists sometimes can provide. A rally effect is the sudden and substantial increase in public approval of the president that occurs in response to certain kinds of dramatic international events involving the United States. The September 11 rally effect is distinctive for at least three reasons. First, of all the recorded rally effects, it is the largest. Bush's approval rating soared in the Gallup Poll from 51\% on September 10 to 86\% on September 15.The president's approval rating is the percentage of survey respondents who answer ``approve'' to the question: ``Do you approve or disapprove of the job [name] is doing as president?'' This 35-point increase nearly doubles the previous record, the 18-point boost triggered by his father's launch of Operation Desert Storm in January 1991. Second, the further increase in Bush's approval rating to 90\% on September 22 represents the highest rating ever recorded for a president (Morin 2001). Third, the September 11 rally effect has lasted longer than any in the history of polling. As of November 10, 2002, Bush's approval rating was 68\%---22 points below its peak but still much higher than his rating 13 months earlier.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/48575LPI/Hetherington and Nelson - 2003 - Anatomy of a Rally Effect George W. Bush and the .pdf}
}

@article{hughes2016protest,
  title = {Protest and Accountability without the Press: {{The}} Press, Politicians, and Civil Society in {{Chile}}},
  author = {Hughes, Sallie and Mellado, Claudia},
  year = {2016},
  journal = {The International Journal of Press/Politics},
  volume = {21},
  number = {1},
  pages = {48--67},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Sage CA: Los Angeles, CA}
}

@article{hutter2018responds,
  title = {Who Responds to Protest? {{Protest}} Politics and Party Responsiveness in {{Western Europe}}},
  author = {Hutter, Swen and Vliegenthart, Rens},
  year = {2018},
  journal = {Party Politics},
  volume = {24},
  number = {4},
  pages = {358--369},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Sage UK: London, England}
}

@article{ichino2013,
  title = {Crossing the {{Line}}: {{Local Ethnic Geography}} and {{Voting}} in {{Ghana}}},
  shorttitle = {Crossing the {{Line}}},
  author = {Ichino, Nahomi and Nathan, Noah L.},
  year = {2013},
  month = may,
  journal = {American Political Science Review},
  volume = {107},
  number = {2},
  pages = {344--361},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  issn = {0003-0554, 1537-5943},
  doi = {10.1017/S0003055412000664},
  urldate = {2020-04-27},
  abstract = {Theories of instrumental ethnic voting in new democracies propose that voters support co-ethnic politicians because they expect politicians to favor their co-ethnics once in office. But many goods that politicians deliver to voters are locally nonexcludable in rural areas, so the local presence of an ethnic group associated with a politician should affect a rural voter's assessment of how likely she is to benefit from that politician's election. Using geocoded polling-station--level election results alongside survey data from Ghana, we show that otherwise similar voters are less likely to vote for the party of their own ethnic group, and more likely to support a party associated with another group, when the local ethnic geography favors the other group. This result helps account for the imperfect correlation between ethnicity and vote choice in African democracies. More generally, this demonstrates how local community and geographic contexts can modify the information conveyed by ethnicity and influence voter behavior.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/XIM4UBRE/Ichino and Nathan - 2013 - Crossing the Line Local Ethnic Geography and Voti.pdf;/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/C7LMT65C/56C747D7ED1F6B3374438F346DA42A17.html}
}

@article{jennings2019street,
  title = {Street Demonstrations and the Media Agenda: {{An}} Analysis of the Dynamics of Protest Agenda Setting},
  author = {Jennings, Will and Saunders, Clare},
  year = {2019},
  journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
  volume = {52},
  number = {13-14},
  pages = {2283--2313},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Sage CA: Los Angeles, CA}
}

@article{ketchley2021unpopular,
  title = {Unpopular Protest: {{Mass}} Mobilization and Attitudes to Democracy in Post-{{Mubarak Egypt}}},
  author = {Ketchley, Neil and {El-Rayyes}, Thoraya},
  year = {2021},
  journal = {The Journal of Politics},
  volume = {83},
  number = {1},
  pages = {291--305},
  publisher = {The University of Chicago Press Chicago, IL}
}

@misc{kokoroko2023,
  title = {Multi-Day Protests over Economic Crisis Grip {{Ghana}}'s Capital},
  author = {Kokoroko, Francis},
  year = {2023},
  month = sep,
  journal = {Reuters},
  urldate = {2024-03-25},
  abstract = {Hundreds of demonstrators gathered in the Ghanaian capital Accra on Saturday for a third day of anti-government protests linked to economic hardship that have led to dozens of arrests.},
  howpublished = {https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/multi-day-protests-over-economic-crisis-grip-ghanas-capital-2023-09-23/},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/RVCP9UF9/multi-day-protests-over-economic-crisis-grip-ghanas-capital-2023-09-23.html}
}

@article{kostelka2019s,
  title = {It's Not the Left: {{Ideology}} and Protest Participation in Old and New Democracies},
  author = {Kostelka, Filip and Rovny, Jan},
  year = {2019},
  journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
  volume = {52},
  number = {11},
  pages = {1677--1712},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Sage CA: Los Angeles, CA}
}

@article{lambert2011,
  title = {Threat, {{Politics}}, and {{Attitudes}}: {{Toward}} a {{Greater Understanding}} of {{Rally-}}'{{Round-the-Flag Effects}}},
  shorttitle = {Threat, {{Politics}}, and {{Attitudes}}},
  author = {Lambert, Alan J. and Schott, J. P. and Scherer, Laura},
  year = {2011},
  month = dec,
  journal = {Current Directions in Psychological Science},
  volume = {20},
  number = {6},
  pages = {343--348},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0963-7214},
  doi = {10.1177/0963721411422060},
  urldate = {2023-12-11},
  abstract = {Social scientists have long known that threatening situations can have a powerful effect on sociopolitical attitudes. One of the more dramatic examples of this phenomenon is the ``rally 'round the flag effect,'' characterized by dramatic spikes in popularity of the American president. Previous models of rally effects have strongly emphasized the role of anxiety and the desire for security as explanations for these changes in support. In this article, we present a contrasting view, showing support for an anger-based conceptualization that builds upon earlier research on emotional appraisal. We discuss the relevance of our findings for theory and research across a variety of different paradigms in the social psychological and political science literature.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/C4PPI6PM/Lambert et al. - 2011 - Threat, Politics, and Attitudes Toward a Greater .pdf}
}

@article{lipsky1968,
  title = {Protest as a {{Political Resource}}},
  author = {Lipsky, Michael},
  year = {1968},
  journal = {The American Political Science Review},
  volume = {62},
  number = {4},
  pages = {1144--1158},
  publisher = {[American Political Science Association, Cambridge University Press]},
  issn = {0003-0554},
  doi = {10.2307/1953909},
  urldate = {2023-12-10},
  jstor = {1953909},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/T48Y42MT/Lipsky - 1968 - Protest as a Political Resource.pdf}
}

@article{manacorda2020,
  title = {Liberation {{Technology}}: {{Mobile Phones}} and {{Political Mobilization}} in {{Africa}}},
  shorttitle = {Liberation {{Technology}}},
  author = {Manacorda, Marco and Tesei, Andrea},
  year = {2020},
  journal = {Econometrica},
  volume = {88},
  number = {2},
  pages = {533--567},
  issn = {1468-0262},
  doi = {10.3982/ECTA14392},
  urldate = {2020-04-27},
  abstract = {Can digital information and communication technology foster mass political mobilization? We use a novel georeferenced data set for the entire African continent between 1998 and 2012 on the coverage of mobile phone signal together with georeferenced data from multiple sources on the occurrence of protests and on individual participation in protests to bring this argument to empirical scrutiny. We find that while mobile phones are instrumental to mass mobilization, this only happens during economic downturns, when reasons for grievance emerge and the cost of participation falls. The results are in line with insights from a network model with imperfect information and strategic complementarities in protest occurrence. Mobile phones make individuals more responsive to both changes in economic conditions---a mechanism that we ascribe to enhanced information---and to their neighbors' participation---a mechanism that we ascribe to enhanced coordination.},
  copyright = {{\copyright} 2020 The Econometric Society},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Africa,mobile phones,politics,Protests},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/3FSWEURM/ECTA14392.html}
}

@incollection{mattes2020,
  title = {The Consequences of Partisanship in {{Africa}}},
  booktitle = {Research Handbook on Political Partisanship},
  author = {Mattes, Robert and Kr{\"o}nke, Matthias},
  year = {2020},
  pages = {368},
  publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing},
  urldate = {2023-10-24}
}

@article{mazumder2018persistent,
  title = {The Persistent Effect of {{US}} Civil Rights Protests on Political Attitudes},
  author = {Mazumder, Soumyajit},
  year = {2018},
  journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {62},
  number = {4},
  pages = {922--935},
  publisher = {Wiley Online Library}
}

@article{mccarthy1977resource,
  title = {Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: {{A}} Partial Theory},
  author = {McCarthy, John D and Zald, Mayer N},
  year = {1977},
  journal = {American journal of sociology},
  volume = {82},
  number = {6},
  pages = {1212--1241},
  publisher = {University of Chicago Press}
}

@misc{medina2024,
  type = {International {{Monetary Fund}}},
  title = {Ghana: {{Transforming}} a {{Crisis}} into a {{Journey Toward Prosperity}}},
  shorttitle = {Ghana},
  author = {Medina, Leandro},
  year = {2024},
  month = jan,
  urldate = {2024-03-25},
  abstract = {Ghana is making important inroads to stabilize its economy, and continued program implementation beckons a brighter future.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/IFAJ736U/cf-ghana-transforming-a-crisis-into-a-journey-toward-prosperity.html}
}

@misc{mensah2023,
  title = {Ghana Police Arrest 49 as High Cost of Living Triggers Street Protests},
  author = {Mensah, Kent},
  year = {2023},
  month = sep,
  journal = {Al Jazeera},
  urldate = {2024-03-25},
  abstract = {In recent months, public discontent has been growing in Ghana over the rising cost of living for everyday people.},
  howpublished = {https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2023/9/22/ghana-police-arrest-49-as-high-cost-of-living-triggers-street-protests},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/6BSIK5UT/ghana-police-arrest-49-as-high-cost-of-living-triggers-street-protests.html}
}

@article{mueller1970,
  title = {Presidential {{Popularity}} from {{Truman}} to {{Johnson}}},
  author = {Mueller, John E.},
  year = {1970},
  month = mar,
  journal = {American Political Science Review},
  volume = {64},
  number = {1},
  pages = {18--34},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  issn = {0003-0554, 1537-5943},
  doi = {10.2307/1955610},
  urldate = {2023-12-11},
  abstract = {I think [my grandchildren] will be proud of two things. What I did for the Negro and seeing it through in Vietnam for all of Asia. The Negro cost me 15 points in the polls and Vietnam cost me 20.Lyndon B. JohnsonWith tenacious regularity over the last two and a half decades the Gallup Poll has posed to its cross-section samples of the American public the following query, ``Do you approve or disapprove of the way (the incumbent) is handling his job as President?'' The responses to this curious question form an index known as ``Presidential popularity.'' According to Richard Neustadt, the index is ``widely taken to approximate reality'' in Washington and reports about its behavior are ``very widely read'' there, including, the quotation above would suggest, the highest circles.Plotted over time, the index forms probably the longest continuous trend line in polling history. This study seeks to analyze the behavior of this line for the period from the beginning of the Truman administration in 1945 to the end of the Johnson administration in January 1969 during which time the popularity question was asked some 300 times.Four variables are used as predictors of a President's popularity. These include a measure of the length of time the incumbent has been in office as well as variables which attempt to estimate the influence on his rating of major international events, economic slump and war. To assess the independent impact of each of these variables as they interact in association with Presidential popularity, multiple regression analysis is used as the basic analytic technique.},
  langid = {english}
}

@article{munoz2020,
  title = {Unexpected Event during Survey Design: {{Promise}} and Pitfalls for Causal Inference},
  shorttitle = {Unexpected Event during Survey Design},
  author = {Mu{\~n}oz, Jordi and {Falc{\'o}-Gimeno}, Albert and Hern{\'a}ndez, Enrique},
  year = {2020},
  journal = {Political Analysis},
  volume = {28},
  number = {2},
  pages = {186--206},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  urldate = {2023-11-22},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/MQ4UMBDM/Muñoz et al. - 2020 - Unexpected event during survey design Promise and.pdf}
}

@article{nagel2022,
  title = {Unexpected Events during Survey Design and Trust in the Police: {{A}} Systematic Review},
  shorttitle = {Unexpected Events during Survey Design and Trust in the Police},
  author = {N{\"a}gel, Christof and Nivette, Amy E.},
  year = {2022},
  month = jun,
  journal = {Journal of Experimental Criminology},
  issn = {1572-8315},
  doi = {10.1007/s11292-022-09508-y},
  urldate = {2023-11-22},
  abstract = {The current review has two aims: (1) to synthesize the impact of unexpected events on trust in police across different contexts and types of events, and (2) to evaluate the methodological characteristics of each study with attention to the assumptions for causal inference.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Causal inference,Excludability,Ignorability,Trust in police,Unexpected event},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/PLFRWYR6/Nägel and Nivette - 2022 - Unexpected events during survey design and trust i.pdf}
}

@article{nathan2016,
  title = {Local {{Ethnic Geography}}, {{Expectations}} of {{Favoritism}}, and {{Voting}} in {{Urban Ghana}} - {{Noah L}}. {{Nathan}}, 2016},
  author = {Nathan, Noah L.},
  year = {2016},
  month = jul,
  journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
  urldate = {2020-11-17},
  abstract = {African democracies are increasingly urban. While ethnicity is generally correlated with vote choice, recent research suggests there may be less ethnic voting i...},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/RE9NNNQG/0010414016655540.html}
}

@book{nathan2019,
  title = {Electoral {{Politics}} and {{Africa}}'s {{Urban Transition}}: {{Class}} and {{Ethnicity}} in {{Ghana}}},
  shorttitle = {Electoral {{Politics}} and {{Africa}}'s {{Urban Transition}}},
  author = {Nathan, Noah L.},
  year = {2019},
  month = feb,
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  abstract = {Two aspects of contemporary urban life in Africa are often described as sources of political change: the emergence of a large urban middle class and high levels of ethnic diversity and inter-ethnic social contact. Many expected that these factors would help spark a transition away from ethnic competition and clientelism toward more programmatic elections. Focusing on urban Ghana, this book shows that the growing middle class and high levels of ethnic diversity are not having the anticipated political effects. Instead, urban Ghana is stuck in a trap: clientelism and ethnic voting persist in many urban neighborhoods despite changes to the socio-economic characteristics and policy preferences of voters. Through a unique examination of intra-urban variation in patterns of electoral competition, Nathan explains why this trap exists, demonstrates its effects on political behavior, and explores how new democracies like Ghana can move past it.},
  googlebooks = {GYaEDwAAQBAJ},
  isbn = {978-1-108-47495-5},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Business & Economics / Urban & Regional,Political Science / American Government / General,Political Science / History & Theory,Political Science / Political Ideologies / General,Political Science / Public Policy / Economic Policy,Social Science / Research,Social Science / Sociology / Urban}
}

@book{nathan2019a,
  title = {Electoral {{Politics}} and {{Africa}}'s {{Urban Transition}}: {{Class}} and {{Ethnicity}} in {{Ghana}}},
  shorttitle = {Electoral {{Politics}} and {{Africa}}'s {{Urban Transition}}},
  author = {Nathan, Noah L.},
  year = {2019},
  month = feb,
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  abstract = {Two aspects of contemporary urban life in Africa are often described as sources of political change: the emergence of a large urban middle class and high levels of ethnic diversity and inter-ethnic social contact. Many expected that these factors would help spark a transition away from ethnic competition and clientelism toward more programmatic elections. Focusing on urban Ghana, this book shows that the growing middle class and high levels of ethnic diversity are not having the anticipated political effects. Instead, urban Ghana is stuck in a trap: clientelism and ethnic voting persist in many urban neighborhoods despite changes to the socio-economic characteristics and policy preferences of voters. Through a unique examination of intra-urban variation in patterns of electoral competition, Nathan explains why this trap exists, demonstrates its effects on political behavior, and explores how new democracies like Ghana can move past it.},
  googlebooks = {GYaEDwAAQBAJ},
  isbn = {978-1-108-47495-5},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Business & Economics / Urban & Regional,Political Science / American Government / General,Political Science / History & Theory,Political Science / Political Ideologies / General,Political Science / Political Process / General,Political Science / Public Policy / Economic Policy,Social Science / Research,Social Science / Sociology / Urban}
}

@article{noll2023,
  title = {Social Protest and the Middle Class in {{Ghana}}: {{A}} Social Movement Approach of Three Cases},
  shorttitle = {Social Protest and the Middle Class in {{Ghana}}},
  author = {Noll, Andrea and Budniok, Jan},
  year = {2023},
  month = jan,
  journal = {Journal of Contemporary African Studies},
  volume = {41},
  number = {1},
  pages = {13--27},
  issn = {0258-9001, 1469-9397},
  doi = {10.1080/02589001.2021.1931056},
  urldate = {2024-03-25},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/YEEK56AU/Noll and Budniok - 2023 - Social protest and the middle class in Ghana a so.pdf}
}

@misc{nunoo2020,
  title = {Nkrumah Alone Did Not 'compose' {{Ghana}}'s Independence - {{Prof Oquaye}}},
  author = {Nunoo, Chris and Ngnenbe, Timothy},
  year = {2020},
  month = aug,
  journal = {Graphic Online},
  urldate = {2023-12-04},
  langid = {british},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/DFU9YCLP/nkrumah-alone-did-not-compose-ghana-s-independence-prof-oquaye.html}
}

@misc{nyabor2020,
  title = {Founders' {{Day}} Holiday to Be Observed on {{Tuesday}}},
  author = {Nyabor, Jonas},
  year = {2020},
  month = aug,
  journal = {Citi Newsroom},
  urldate = {2023-12-04},
  abstract = {Tuesday, August 4, 2020, has been declared a public holiday to mark Founders' Day in Ghana. "The general public is hereby},
  chapter = {News},
  howpublished = {https://citinewsroom.com/2020/08/founders-day-holiday-to-be-observed-on-tuesday/},
  langid = {american},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/8QDSITTJ/founders-day-holiday-to-be-observed-on-tuesday.html}
}

@article{ofosu2019,
  title = {Do Fairer Elections Increase the Responsiveness of Politicians?},
  author = {Ofosu, George Kwaku},
  year = {2019},
  journal = {American Political Science Review},
  volume = {113},
  number = {4},
  pages = {963--979},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/X5AUD2LP/Ofosu - 2019 - Do fairer elections increase the responsiveness of.pdf;/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/NTDW7XK6/26AA077459ACA822C4E20A9903E64691.html}
}

@article{osei2013,
  title = {Party {{System Institutionalization}} in {{Ghana}} and {{Senegal}}},
  author = {Osei, Anja},
  year = {2013},
  month = oct,
  journal = {Journal of Asian and African Studies},
  volume = {48},
  number = {5},
  pages = {577--593},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
  issn = {0021-9096},
  doi = {10.1177/0021909612465720},
  urldate = {2024-03-25},
  abstract = {This paper presents a comparative case study of party system institutionalization in Ghana and Senegal. Both countries experienced a democratic change in government in the year 2000, but while positive development has continued in Ghana, democratic quality in Senegal decreased over time. Can the concept of party institutionalization help to explain this diverging development? Four dimensions of party system institutionalization are systematically compared: regularity, social roots, legitimacy, and party organization. It is found that party competition in Ghana is characterized by high stability and a low number of parties. The major parties are organized throughout the country and have definable support bases with deep historical roots. They give orientation to voters and are perceived as legitimate actors. In Senegal, in contrast, the party system is fluid and less predictable. Parties are not structured along social cleavages and many of them are weakly organized and highly personalistic. In summary, the case studies support the assumption that an institutionalized, well-structured party system in which relevant social cleavages are translated into electoral alternatives is positively related to democratic quality.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/S3QTSI32/Osei - 2013 - Party System Institutionalization in Ghana and Sen.pdf}
}

@misc{osei2023,
  title = {\#{{FixTheCountry}} Reacts to {{NPP}} Group's 36-Day pro-{{Akufo-Addo}} Rally in {{December}} - {{MyJoyOnline}}},
  author = {Osei, Felicia},
  year = {2023},
  month = oct,
  urldate = {2025-01-14},
  abstract = {This follows revelation by PaFFAG that the procession will start on December 1, 2023 and end on January 5, 2024.},
  chapter = {National},
  howpublished = {https://www.myjoyonline.com/fixthecountry-reacts-to-npp-groups-36-day-pro-akufo-addo-rally-in-december/},
  langid = {american},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/4Y5MUMIA/fixthecountry-reacts-to-npp-groups-36-day-pro-akufo-addo-rally-in-december.html}
}

@article{perrin2009,
  title = {Who Trusts? {{Race}}, Gender, and the {{September}} 11 Rally Effect among Young Adults},
  shorttitle = {Who Trusts?},
  author = {Perrin, Andrew J. and Smolek, Sondra J.},
  year = {2009},
  month = mar,
  journal = {Social Science Research},
  volume = {38},
  number = {1},
  pages = {134--145},
  issn = {0049-089X},
  doi = {10.1016/j.ssresearch.2008.09.001},
  urldate = {2023-12-11},
  abstract = {First proposed by Mueller, the theory of the ``rally effect'' predicts that public support for government officials will increase when an event occurs that (1) is international; (2) involves the United States; and (3) is specific, dramatic, and sharply focused [Mueller, J.E. 1973. War, Presidents, \& Public Opinion. New York: John Wiley \& Sons., p. 209]. Using the natural experiment of a large (N=15,127) survey of young adults ages 18--27 that was in the field during the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, we confirm the existence of a rally effect on trust in government as well as its subsequent decay. We then use a predictive modeling approach to investigate individual-level dynamics of rallying around the flag and anti-rallying in the face of the national threat. By disaggregating predictors of rallying, we demonstrate remarkably different patterns of response to the attacks based on sex and, particularly, race. The results confirm expectations of national threat inciting a rally effect, but indicate that the dynamics of this rally effect are complex and race and gender-dependent. The article offers previously-unavailable insights into the dynamics of rallying and trust in government.},
  keywords = {Gender,Race,Rally effect,September 11,Trust},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/HAMHPYE4/Perrin and Smolek - 2009 - Who trusts Race, gender, and the September 11 ral.pdf;/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/2EPXFWRX/S0049089X08001002.html}
}

@article{reny2021,
  title = {The {{Opinion-Mobilizing Effect}} of {{Social Protest}} against {{Police Violence}}: {{Evidence}} from the 2020 {{George Floyd Protests}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Opinion-Mobilizing Effect}} of {{Social Protest}} against {{Police Violence}}},
  author = {Reny, Tyler T. and Newman, Benjamin J.},
  year = {2021},
  month = nov,
  journal = {American Political Science Review},
  volume = {115},
  number = {4},
  pages = {1499--1507},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  issn = {0003-0554, 1537-5943},
  doi = {10.1017/S0003055421000460},
  urldate = {2023-12-11},
  abstract = {Does social protest following the police killing of unarmed Black civilians have a widespread ``opinion-mobilizing'' effect against the police? Or, does the racialized nature of these events polarize mass opinion based on standing racial and political orientations? To answer these questions, we use a large dataset comprised of weekly cross sections of the American public and employ a regression discontinuity in time (RDiT) approach leveraging the random timing of the police killing of George Floyd and ensuing nationwide protests. We find that the Floyd protests swiftly decreased favorability toward the police and increased perceived anti-Black discrimination among low-prejudice and politically liberal Americans. However, attitudes among high-prejudice and politically conservative Americans either remained unchanged or evinced only small and ephemeral shifts. Our evidence suggests that the Floyd protests served to further racialize and politicize attitudes within the domain of race and law enforcement in the U.S.},
  langid = {english}
}

@article{riedl2012,
  title = {Political {{Parties}} and {{Uncertainty}} in {{Developing Democracies}} - {{Noam Lupu}}, {{Rachel Beatty Riedl}}, 2013},
  author = {Riedl, Rachel Beatty and Lupu, Noam},
  year = {2012},
  month = aug,
  journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
  urldate = {2020-11-18},
  abstract = {This article lays out a theoretical framework for understanding the effects of political uncertainty on party development and strategies of mobilization and com...},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/3T9GRGCN/0010414012453445.html}
}

@book{riedl2014,
  title = {Authoritarian {{Origins}} of {{Democratic Party Systems}} in {{Africa}}},
  author = {Riedl, Rachel Beatty},
  year = {2014},
  month = feb,
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  abstract = {"Faced with a transition to multiparty democracy, many assume that breaking the power of incumbents is necessary to develop a stable, highly institutionalized party system. But, in fact, across Sub-Saharan Africa, the incumbent's demise is sufficient to ensure a highly volatile, weakly institutionalized party system in the democratic era. A strong authoritarian incumbent produces a more coherent, stable party competition, with the unintended consequences of promoting national territorial coverage; stronger partisan identities; opposition cohesion; and, ultimately, democratic accountability. In Ghana, for example, the incumbent military leader and authoritarian revolutionary J. J. Rawlings and his National Democratic Congress (NDC) party swept the founding elections in 1992. Since that time, Ghana has developed a highly institutionalized party system with low levels of volatility and an alternating majority between stable parties. Ghana has experienced two democratic turnovers, and the two major parties, the NDC and the New Patriotic Party (NPP), are deeply connected to their constituencies, they organize across the national territory to compete in every constituency, they mobilize participation during and beyond elections, and they aggregate coalitions of diverse citizens and interests. The NDC and the NPP alike are enduring entities that help shape individual partisan identities and structure national, regional, and local competition"--},
  googlebooks = {8RaTAgAAQBAJ},
  isbn = {978-1-107-04504-0},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Political Science / Comparative Politics,Political Science / General,Political Science / History & Theory,Political Science / Political Freedom,Political Science / Political Ideologies / General,Political Science / Political Process / General,Political Science / Political Process / Political Parties}
}

@book{samuels2018partisans,
  title = {Partisans, Antipartisans, and Nonpartisans: Voting Behavior in {{Brazil}}},
  author = {Samuels, David J and Zucco, Cesar},
  year = {2018},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press}
}

@article{sangnier2017protests,
  title = {Protests and Trust in the State: {{Evidence}} from {{African}} Countries},
  author = {Sangnier, Marc and Zylberberg, Yanos},
  year = {2017},
  journal = {Journal of Public Economics},
  volume = {152},
  pages = {55--67},
  publisher = {Elsevier}
}

@article{selvanathan2019,
  title = {Empowerment and Threat in Response to Mass Protest Shape Public Support for a Social Movement and Social Change: {{A}} Panel Study in the Context of the {{Bersih}} Movement in {{Malaysia}}},
  shorttitle = {Empowerment and Threat in Response to Mass Protest Shape Public Support for a Social Movement and Social Change},
  author = {Selvanathan, Hema Preya and Lickel, Brian},
  year = {2019},
  journal = {European Journal of Social Psychology},
  volume = {49},
  number = {2},
  pages = {230--243},
  issn = {1099-0992},
  doi = {10.1002/ejsp.2502},
  urldate = {2023-12-11},
  abstract = {One path to social change is through sustained collective action. Although such actions often explicitly target the public audience to raise support for a movement's cause, we know little about how the public psychologically responds to protests. To examine this question, a sample of Malaysians was surveyed before and immediately after the occurrence of mass street protests in Malaysia (N = 422) using a two-wave longitudinal design. Analyses revealed that (beyond pre-existing levels of movement identity and support for social change) experiencing empowerment in response to the protests promoted a supportive movement identity and more support for social change after the protests, whereas experiencing threat in response to the protests promoted an oppositional movement identity and less support for social change after the protests. This research suggests that the psychological impact of ongoing protests on the public can determine subsequent public support for the movement and its goals.},
  copyright = {{\copyright} 2018 John Wiley \& Sons, Ltd.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {collective action,empowerment,longitudinal,social movements,threat},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/8UEYD9L6/Selvanathan and Lickel - 2019 - Empowerment and threat in response to mass protest.pdf;/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/84H86KSR/ejsp.html}
}

@article{skocpol2002,
  title = {Will 9/11 and the {{War}} on {{Terror Revitalize American Civic Democracy}}?},
  author = {Skocpol, Theda},
  year = {2002},
  month = sep,
  journal = {PS: Political Science \& Politics},
  volume = {35},
  number = {3},
  pages = {537--540},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  issn = {1537-5935, 1049-0965},
  doi = {10.1017/S104909650200080X},
  urldate = {2023-12-11},
  abstract = {Observers of American life have seen a silver lining in the dark clouds that billowed from the Twin Towers and the Pentagon on September 11, 2001. Along with the horror wrought by the terrorist attacks came an outpouring of solidarity and patriotism---a sudden change of heart for many Americans who, prior to that fateful day, had seemed to be drifting inexorably toward individualism, self-absorption, and cynical disinterest in public affairs. As Stanley Greenberg (2001) aptly puts it, suddenly the ``we'' mattered more than the ``me.'' People reached out to family members, neighbors, and friends, while proudly declaring their membership in the American national community.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/V47A3FQ2/Skocpol - 2002 - Will 911 and the War on Terror Revitalize America.pdf}
}

@book{stewart2012,
  title = {Persuasion and {{Social Movements}}: {{Sixth Edition}}},
  shorttitle = {Persuasion and {{Social Movements}}},
  author = {Stewart, Charles J. and Smith, Craig Allen and Jr, Robert E. Denton},
  year = {2012},
  month = jun,
  publisher = {Waveland Press},
  abstract = {Conflict over moral, religious, social, political, and economic values fuel social movements. People form organized collectivities to promote or to oppose changes in societal norms and values. The steady growth in globalization and access to information have increased the perception of threats to identity, values, and culture. Persuasion and Social Movements provides a solid foundation for understanding how people collectively shape society. The latest edition marks three decades of synthesizing, applying, and extending research and theories about the persuasive efforts of social movements. Historic and current examples illustrate the many facets of social movement persuasion: Persuasion is inherently practical; we can study it most profitably by examining the functions of persuasive acts. Even apparently irrational acts make sense to the actoreffective analysis discovers the reasoning behind the acts. People create and comprehend their world through symbols, and it is people who create, use, ignore, or act on these symbolic creations. Although they remain important in social movement persuasion, speeches are now one of many resources for organizing and carrying out a variety of protests. New technologies have transformed how social movements come into existence, constitute organizations, establish coalitions, pressure institutions, and communicate with a wide variety of audiences. Social movements sometimes sell conspiracy theories to skeptical audiences, justify inherently divisive tactics, and use violence as a rhetorical strategy. Institutions and countermovements have a variety of strategies for resistance.},
  googlebooks = {MYMfAAAAQBAJ},
  isbn = {978-1-4786-1038-0},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Language Arts \& Disciplines / Communication Studies}
}

@article{stoecker2023partisanship,
  title = {Partisanship in a Young Democracy: {{Evidence}} from Ghana},
  author = {Stoecker, Alexander},
  year = {2023},
  journal = {Journal of African Economies},
  volume = {32},
  number = {1},
  pages = {1--25},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press}
}

@article{tajfel1979individuals,
  title = {Individuals and Groups in Social Psychology},
  author = {Tajfel, Henri},
  year = {1979},
  journal = {British Journal of social and clinical psychology},
  volume = {18},
  number = {2},
  pages = {183--190},
  publisher = {Wiley Online Library}
}

@book{tarrow2005new,
  title = {The New Transnational Activism},
  author = {Tarrow, Sidney},
  year = {2005},
  publisher = {Cambridge university press}
}

@article{tertytchnaya2020electoral,
  title = {Electoral Protests and Political Attitudes under Electoral Authoritarianism},
  author = {Tertytchnaya, Katerina and Lankina, Tomila},
  year = {2020},
  journal = {The Journal of Politics},
  volume = {82},
  number = {1},
  pages = {285--299},
  publisher = {The University of Chicago Press Chicago, IL}
}

@book{tilly2015,
  title = {Popular {{Contention}} in {{Great Britain}}, 1758-1834},
  author = {Tilly, Charles},
  year = {2015},
  month = nov,
  publisher = {Routledge},
  abstract = {'A rich and thoughtful book.' History 'A magnificent empirical resource accompanied by a subtle and powerful framework of interpretation...It is not often that historical scholarship is so effectively harnessed to the sociological imagination.' American Journal of Sociology 'This is a masterpiece of social movement analysis by an author at the peak of his analytical powers making full use of one of the most extensive evidence files available.' Mobilization Between 1750 and 1840 ordinary British people abandoned such time-honored forms of protest as collective seizures of grain, the sacking of buildings, public humiliation, and physical abuse in favor of marches, petition drives, public meetings, and other sanctioned routines of social movement politics. The change created - for the first time anywhere - mass participation in national politics. Charles Tilly is the first to address the depth and significance of the transformations in popular collective action during this period. The author elucidates four distinct phases in the transformation to mass political participation and identifies the forms and occasions for collective action that characterized and dominated each. He provides rich descriptions, not only of a wide variety of popular protests, but also of such influential figures as John Wilkes, Lord George Gordon, William Cobbett, and Daniel O'Connell.},
  googlebooks = {LWPvCgAAQBAJ},
  isbn = {978-1-317-25379-2},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Social Science / Sociology / General}
}

@article{valentim2021creating,
  title = {Creating Critical Citizens? {{Anti-austerity}} Protests and Public Opinion},
  author = {Valentim, Vicente},
  year = {2021},
  journal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {72},
  pages = {102339},
  publisher = {Elsevier}
}

@article{wallace2014spatial,
  title = {Spatial and Temporal Proximity: {{Examining}} the Effects of Protests on Political Attitudes},
  author = {Wallace, Sophia J and {Zepeda-Mill{\'a}n}, Chris and {Jones-Correa}, Michael},
  year = {2014},
  journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {58},
  number = {2},
  pages = {433--448},
  publisher = {Wiley Online Library}
}

@article{wasow2020,
  title = {Agenda {{Seeding}}: {{How}} 1960s {{Black Protests Moved Elites}}, {{Public Opinion}} and {{Voting}}},
  shorttitle = {Agenda {{Seeding}}},
  author = {Wasow, Omar},
  year = {2020},
  month = aug,
  journal = {American Political Science Review},
  volume = {114},
  number = {3},
  pages = {638--659},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  issn = {0003-0554, 1537-5943},
  doi = {10.1017/S000305542000009X},
  urldate = {2023-12-11},
  abstract = {How do stigmatized minorities advance agendas when confronted with hostile majorities? Elite theories of influence posit marginal groups exert little power. I propose the concept of agenda seeding to describe how activists use methods like disruption to capture the attention of media and overcome political asymmetries. Further, I hypothesize protest tactics influence how news organizations frame demands. Evaluating black-led protests between 1960 and 1972, I find nonviolent activism, particularly when met with state or vigilante repression, drove media coverage, framing, congressional speech, and public opinion on civil rights. Counties proximate to nonviolent protests saw presidential Democratic vote share increase 1.6--2.5\%. Protester-initiated violence, by contrast, helped move news agendas, frames, elite discourse, and public concern toward ``social control.'' In 1968, using rainfall as an instrument, I find violent protests likely caused a 1.5--7.9\% shift among whites toward Republicans and tipped the election. Elites may dominate political communication but hold no monopoly.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/LQDJL4S9/Wasow - 2020 - Agenda Seeding How 1960s Black Protests Moved Eli.pdf}
}

@article{weghorst2013,
  title = {What {{Drives}} the {{Swing Voter}} in {{Africa}}?},
  author = {Weghorst, Keith R. and Lindberg, Staffan I.},
  year = {2013},
  journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {57},
  number = {3},
  pages = {717--734},
  issn = {1540-5907},
  doi = {10.1111/ajps.12022},
  urldate = {2020-04-01},
  abstract = {What makes African voters ``up for grabs''? Existing approaches to the swing voter have several liabilities. This article introduces a new measure enabling a more comprehensive assessment of swing voting, including the differentiation between clientelistic and collective goods motivations. The issue of swing voting is then brought to an environment where voters are rarely considered persuadable: Africa. Using a count-model estimation technique and original survey data from Ghana's critical 2008 elections, the analysis challenges the near consensus in African politics on clientelism as the only electoral strategy. When voters perceive politicians as providing collective, developmental goods, the efficacy of clientelism as a tool to win over voters is reduced. Many persuadable voters can also be won over by both clientelistic and collective goods, thus contradicting the literature presenting these as mutually exclusive. Finally, the analysis shows that incumbents do better when they provide collective goods even in highly clientelistic environments.},
  copyright = {{\copyright}2013, Midwest Political Science Association},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/59CSNGKW/Weghorst and Lindberg - 2013 - What Drives the Swing Voter in Africa.pdf;/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/QB5CWN5D/ajps.html}
}

@article{winters2014partisan,
  title = {Partisan Protesters and Nonpartisan Protests in Brazil},
  author = {Winters, Matthew S and {Weitz-Shapiro}, Rebecca},
  year = {2014},
  journal = {Journal of Politics in Latin America},
  volume = {6},
  number = {1},
  pages = {137--150},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Sage UK: London, England}
}

@article{wouters2017,
  title = {Demonstrating {{Power}}: {{How Protest Persuades Political Representatives}}},
  shorttitle = {Demonstrating {{Power}}},
  author = {Wouters, Ruud and Walgrave, Stefaan},
  year = {2017},
  month = apr,
  journal = {American Sociological Review},
  volume = {82},
  number = {2},
  pages = {361--383},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0003-1224},
  doi = {10.1177/0003122417690325},
  urldate = {2023-12-10},
  abstract = {How do public opinion signals affect political representatives' opinion formation? To date, we have only limited knowledge about this essential representative process. In this article, we theorize and examine the signaling strength of one type of societal signal: protest. We do so by means of an innovative experiment conducted among Belgian national and regional politicians. Elected officials were exposed to manipulated television news items covering a protest demonstration. Following Tilly's previously untested WUNC claim, four features of the event were manipulated: the demonstrators' worthiness, unity, numerical strength, and commitment. We argue that these protest features present elected officials with useful cues about what (a segment of) the public wants. We find that these cues affect elected officials' beliefs. The salience they attach to the protest issue, the position they take, and their intended actions all change as a consequence of exposure. The size of a protest event (numbers) and whether the protesters agree among themselves (unity) are the most persuasive protest factors. The effects of the protest signals come on top of strong receiver effects. We find no evidence that elected officials' predispositions moderate the effects of the protest features.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/AIMJMUHH/Wouters and Walgrave - 2017 - Demonstrating Power How Protest Persuades Politic.pdf}
}

@article{wouters2017demonstrating,
  title = {Demonstrating Power: {{How}} Protest Persuades Political Representatives},
  author = {Wouters, Ruud and Walgrave, Stefaan},
  year = {2017},
  journal = {American Sociological Review},
  volume = {82},
  number = {2},
  pages = {361--383},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Sage CA: Los Angeles, CA}
}

@article{wouters2019,
  title = {The {{Persuasive Power}} of {{Protest}}. {{How Protest}} Wins {{Public Support}}},
  author = {Wouters, Ruud},
  year = {2019},
  month = sep,
  journal = {Social Forces},
  volume = {98},
  number = {1},
  pages = {403--426},
  issn = {0037-7732},
  doi = {10.1093/sf/soy110},
  urldate = {2023-12-10},
  abstract = {How do protest actions succeed in winning public support? In this paper, I theorize how features of protest can persuade citizens to support demonstrators. In particular, I argue that broadcasting an attractive collective identity by means of diverse, worthy, united, numerous and committed participants (dWUNC) triggers supportive reactions of observers through increasing identification with protesters. I test this argument by exposing respondents to manipulated television news items of a protest event in two video vignette experiments. Study 1 scrutinizes the effect of dWUNC displays in an asylum seeker demonstration on a sample of Belgian citizens. Study 2 replicates this design in the US for the Black Lives Matter issue of police brutality. Both studies show predispositions of citizens to strongly affect favorability towards protesters. On top of these potent receiver effects, however, also the dWUNC features prove persuasive. In both experiments, a consistent pattern of feature effects is found: demonstrations that mobilized more diverse participants, who behaved worthy and acted in unison, elicited more supportive reactions. Study 2 adds that these protest feature effects are in part mediated by increasing identification with the demonstrators. The heterogeneity of protest feature effects is explored.},
  file = {/Users/alexyeandle/Zotero/storage/UCVIA3QK/5158514.html}
}

@book{zaller1992nature,
  title = {The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion},
  author = {Zaller, John},
  year = {1992},
  publisher = {Cambridge university press}
}
